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Processing implicit control: evidence from reading times

Overview of attention for article published in Frontiers in Psychology, October 2015
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Title
Processing implicit control: evidence from reading times
Published in
Frontiers in Psychology, October 2015
DOI 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01629
Pubmed ID
Authors

Michael McCourt, Jeffrey J. Green, Ellen Lau, Alexander Williams

Abstract

Sentences such as "The ship was sunk to collect the insurance" exhibit an unusual form of anaphora, implicit control, where neither anaphor nor antecedent is audible. The non-finite reason clause has an understood subject, PRO, that is anaphoric; here it may be understood as naming the agent of the event of the host clause. Yet since the host is a short passive, this agent is realized by no audible dependent. The putative antecedent to PRO is therefore implicit, which it normally cannot be. What sorts of representations subserve the comprehension of this dependency? Here we present four self-paced reading time studies directed at this question. Previous work showed no processing cost for implicit vs. explicit control, and took this to support the view that PRO is linked syntactically to a silent argument in the passive. We challenge this conclusion by reporting that we also find no processing cost for remote implicit control, as in: "The ship was sunk. The reason was to collect the insurance." Here the dependency crosses two independent sentences, and so cannot, we argue, be mediated by syntax. Our Experiments 1-4 examined the processing of both implicit (short passive) and explicit (active or long passive) control in both local and remote configurations. Experiments 3 and 4 added either "3 days ago" or "just in order" to the local conditions, to control for the distance between the passive and infinitival verbs, and for the predictability of the reason clause, respectively. We replicate the finding that implicit control does not impose an additional processing cost. But critically we show that remote control does not impose a processing cost either. Reading times at the reason clause were never slower when control was remote. In fact they were always faster. Thus, efficient processing of local implicit control cannot show that implicit control is mediated by syntax; nor, in turn, that there is a silent but grammatically active argument in passives.

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Mendeley readers

Mendeley readers

The data shown below were compiled from readership statistics for 16 Mendeley readers of this research output. Click here to see the associated Mendeley record.

Geographical breakdown

Country Count As %
Unknown 16 100%

Demographic breakdown

Readers by professional status Count As %
Student > Ph. D. Student 5 31%
Student > Master 3 19%
Student > Doctoral Student 2 13%
Researcher 2 13%
Professor 1 6%
Other 2 13%
Unknown 1 6%
Readers by discipline Count As %
Linguistics 8 50%
Neuroscience 3 19%
Psychology 2 13%
Social Sciences 1 6%
Chemical Engineering 1 6%
Other 0 0%
Unknown 1 6%
Attention Score in Context

Attention Score in Context

This research output has an Altmetric Attention Score of 1. This is our high-level measure of the quality and quantity of online attention that it has received. This Attention Score, as well as the ranking and number of research outputs shown below, was calculated when the research output was last mentioned on 27 October 2015.
All research outputs
#18,429,829
of 22,831,537 outputs
Outputs from Frontiers in Psychology
#22,175
of 29,820 outputs
Outputs of similar age
#204,827
of 284,522 outputs
Outputs of similar age from Frontiers in Psychology
#392
of 488 outputs
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