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Optimality Theory and Language Change

Overview of attention for book
Cover of 'Optimality Theory and Language Change'

Table of Contents

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    Book Overview
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    Chapter 1 Remarks on Optimality Theory and Language Change
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    Chapter 2 The Odds of Eternal Optimization in Optimality Theory
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    Chapter 3 On Re-Ranking and Explanatory Adequacy in a Constraint-Based Theory of Phonological Change
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    Chapter 4 The Actuation Problem in Optimality Theory
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    Chapter 5 When History Doesn’t Repeat Itself
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    Chapter 6 Language Change Without Constraint Reranking
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    Chapter 7 English Vowel Shifts and ‘Optimal’ Diphthongs
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    Chapter 8 Merger Avoidance and Lexical Reconstruction
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    Chapter 9 The Emergence of Quantity-Sensitivity in Latin
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    Chapter 10 Some Interactions Between Word, Foot, and Syllable Structure in the History of Spanish
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    Chapter 11 The Emergence of Palatal Sonorants and Alternating Diphthongs in Old Spanish
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    Chapter 12 The Emergence of Contrastive Palatalization in Russian
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    Chapter 13 How to Rank Constraints
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    Chapter 14 Historical Changes in Verb-Second and Null Subjects from Old to Modern French
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    Chapter 15 Bibliography on Optimality Theory and Language Change
Attention for Chapter 10: Some Interactions Between Word, Foot, and Syllable Structure in the History of Spanish
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Chapter title
Some Interactions Between Word, Foot, and Syllable Structure in the History of Spanish
Chapter number 10
Book title
Optimality Theory and Language Change
Published by
Springer, Dordrecht, January 2003
DOI 10.1007/978-94-010-0195-3_10
Book ISBNs
978-1-4020-1470-3, 978-9-40-100195-3
Authors

Conxita Lleó, Lleó, Conxita

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Mendeley readers

Mendeley readers

The data shown below were compiled from readership statistics for 1 Mendeley reader of this research output. Click here to see the associated Mendeley record.

Geographical breakdown

Country Count As %
Unknown 1 100%

Demographic breakdown

Readers by professional status Count As %
Student > Ph. D. Student 1 100%
Readers by discipline Count As %
Linguistics 1 100%

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